Management and Illustrations Pearson Education Essay

This workbook will support you in achieving all aspects of your Apprenticeship framework. This section will help you prepare for the ? rst visit by your assessor, and forms part of the induction to your Apprenticeship. In this section you will ? nd an activity to help you prepare and gather evidence for your assessment related to this topic: 1. Preparing for a Level 3 Apprenticeship Some of the evidence you will be asked to provide will be assessed both through documents and tasks that you have completed in your work and by direct observation. You might be observed by your assessor when you are working. Your supervisor or other colleagues can also observe you at work and complete a witness statement to give to your assessor. These observations should be of real work activities and not simulated tasks. If you are recorded while you are working, you may have to get permission from any colleagues present during the recording. The tasks in this Workbook will provide further evidence for all aspects of your framework. You will also take part in professional discussions with your assessor during the visit. Your assessor may want to discuss your progress with your workplace supervisor, so your supervisor will need to know the planned date of the visit. Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 1 1 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration 1 1. PREPARING FOR A LEVEL 3 APPRENTICESHIP As a Business & Administration Level 3 apprentice, you will play an important support role at work. You will be handling day-to-day activities in an of? ce setting within a business organisation. You could, for example, be working in a public sector organisation, a charity, a newspaper or in an of?ce in a retail setting. The exact nature of your job will depend upon your employer. However, it is likely that you will be helping the business run smoothly by doing tasks such as typing up meeting documents, handling spreadsheets, and dealing with incoming and outgoing post for the organisation. Ef? cient admininstration helps a business run smoothly. The tasks in this section of the Workbook will help you to demonstrate your knowledge and understanding of your Apprenticeship. You will explore the components of the Apprenticeship, the strategies for assessment and the importance of the Apprenticeship agreement. This will help you to develop an individual learning plan (ILP), which will be reviewed on each assessor visit in a meeting you have with your tutor and your supervisor. 2 Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration KNOWLEDGE AND UNDERSTANDING The tasks that follow will require you to study the Business Administration Level 3 Apprenticeship framework. You will look at the components of the framework and explain why they are important and how they will be assessed. You will also explore the purpose and usefulness of the Apprenticeship agreement. WorkSkills Unit 1: 1. 1, 1. 2 1 Task 1a Each Apprenticeship has its own framework. The Business Administration Level 3 Apprenticeship is made up of four elements. These are: †¢ employment rights and responsibilities †¢ competence-based element †¢ knowledge-based element †¢ Key or Functional Skills. Complete the table on page 4 to show the quali? cations that make up each element of your Apprenticeship. State the types of evidence you will need to gather. Entries for the ? rst element of the framework have been provided as an example. Once you have done this, develop strategies you could use to gather evidence for each element and suggest ways you could prepare for any tests in Functional Skills or Key Skills, and in the BTEC certi? cate. Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 3 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration 1 Element Employment rights and responsibilities Quali? cation Why it is important WorkSkills for It helps me to settle into my job Apprenticeships and the Apprenticeship and to understand important aspects of being employed. It helps me to assess my time management, learning and personal skills to ensure that I successfully complete my framework. It will help me to think creatively, enquire independently and solve problems. I will look at employment rights and responsibilities, current employment legislation and conditions of service. I’ll examine the role of the trades unions. I will also study con? ict situations and learn the steps to take where there is evidence of bullying or discrimination, and ? nd out about sources of support and advice both in and outside work. I will learn the skills needed to lead a team and the roles and responsibilities of a team leader. Types of evidence Completion of tasks and exercises in my Workbook. Performance evidence, such as observation record and witness testimonies from my supervisor and other colleagues. Work documents, such as contract, job description, payslip, and information about projects that I have worked on. Professional discussions with my assessor. Competencebased element NVQ It will enable me to provide a service level to internal and external customers whilst taking into consideration company expectations/standards and the company code of conduct. Witness statements from my line manager an other colleagues, Planning tools such as flow charts and work plans, Diary pages, Action plans and checklists, e-mails memos and letters. Knowledgebased element BTEC It will help me to understand how Completion of tasks in my to prioritize tasks and produce a workbook and Professional sufficient standard of work. Enable discussions with my assessor. me to understand the requirements of internal and external customers whilst maintaining budgetary requirements. Key or Functional Skills. Functional Skills are to ensure that you have a good level of job supporting skills in English maths and ICT. Assessment through examination. 4 Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration WorkSkills Unit 1: 1. 3 Task 1b The Apprenticeship agreement is a contract entered into between an employer and an apprentice and the Apprenticeship training provider. When you started your Apprenticeship you would have signed an Apprenticeship agreement. The main points that must be covered in this agreement have been set out in legislation. Describe the purpose of the Apprenticeship agreement. Ensure that you cover all the main aspects of the agreement. 1 Agreeing the programme – Business Administration Level 3. Setting out the aims of the programme – to acquire a nationally recognized qualification in a structured programme of work based training. Defining the Training Process – Initial assessment, Individual learning log, Assessment carried out by qualified training and assessment co-ordinators and standards verified by internal and external verifiers/moderators. Monitoring progress, At any time requested plus a formal review, Progress file continually kept up to date. Terms and conditions. Types of training including mentors. Agreed workplace training course. Employment contract and terms and conditions in like with the company policies and employment legislation. Health & Safety – Company or college? Disciplinary principles and procedures – Company or college? Assessment appeals procedure. Preston College will provide me with a competent trainer who is able to offer me the learning, teaching support the relevant work based training, assessment, monitoring and reviews required to enable me to gain the level 3 qualification also offer me an individual work plan and programme which will be validated by the awarding body. I will comply with the terms and conditions set by both my employer and Preston College including attending work and set training sessions with my teacher, whilst working through all the units set in my own time, I will present my portfolio and work assignments for verification as requested. This agreement is to protect all parties involved, the signing of the learning agreement is to show that all parties understand what is required of them throughout the duration of the NVQ training process. WorkSkills Unit 1: 2. 1, 2. 2, 2. 3; Unit 7: 1. 1, 1. 2, 1. 4, 1. 6 PLTS SM: 1, 2, 3 Task 1c You will be required to develop an individual learning plan (ILP) as part of the induction visit. To be prepared for this, you will need to understand progression routes that are available to you and be able to set goals for completion of your framework. It is important to negotiate realistic targets to be included in your ILP. Good targets are ones that meet the SMART test. SMART targets are: †¢ Speci? c – they say exactly what you intend to do †¢ Measurable – you can prove you have reached them †¢ Achievable – they are not beyond your reach †¢ Realistic – you will have access to all the resources you will need to achieve them †¢ Time-related – you have set a deadline for completion. Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 5. BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration 1 Prepare notes on: †¢ the importance of meeting deadlines at work and in learning †¢ the importance of being organised. Being organised is key to meeting targets and deadlines, if you are not organised things can easily be missed resulting in deadlines being missed, when carrying out duties that have a deadline if a person is prepared and well organised the actual task will run a lot smoother resulting in the deadline being more likely to be made if not achieved before the deadline arrives. Organisation within the workplace is key for a healthy running business if a workload is organised it is a lot clearer what the objectives of the task are and how far they have been completed. It is important to have deadlines for tasks to keep business’s running, if no one had a deadline people are more likely to have a more relaxed attitude to completing tasks and workloads thus slowing down the productivity of the business. Then review your development needs and prepare some notes setting out: †¢ your skills and learning requirements †¢ your learning goals. I have been employed by various companies over a 12 year period mainly in administrative rolls but each business has had a variety of different administration needs, there have been customer based, reception based, retail based, admin for a single department and admin for several departments within the business, whilst I do find it beneficial to have a broad knowledge of administration skills most of my abilities are either a basic knowledge or abilities I have developed myself, I would like this course to improve the skills I have already acquired and improve my ability and standard of what I am currently capable of as well as learning new skills to develop my current profession to a very high standard. My goals are to complete the level 3 to a high standard, gain further knowledge of administration & business skills to broaden my capabilities and to be able to give a better work based performance on a day to day basis. 6 Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration Finally, produce targets that you can discuss with your assessor when you meet to ? nalise your individual learning plan. These should be SMART targets, with each having clear deadlines for when they should be achieved. They should relate to: †¢ learning to be undertaken for the completion of the Apprenticeship framework †¢ managing commitments at work and in personal life while on the Apprenticeship †¢ contingency planning for learning not being completed on time. 1 I plan to complete the NVQ with a 17 month period giving myself a month per section, so I can take my time to fully absorb all information required to complete my NVQ to a high standard, to achieve this I plan to spend four hours a week of my personal time, 2 hours on research and planning and 2 hours on practical, written and presentation work, I plan to use any other free time I have in my own time to make sure I am progressing forward at a timely manor which fits in with my out of work commitments, I also plan to use any spare time I may have during working hours to achieve this. As the course must be completed in 24 months I feel that my plan for completion within 17 months gives enough time for any difficulties or unforeseen circumstances I may come across. When you have agreed your plan with your assessor, you should use your targets to check your progress. Remember to ask your assessor on each visit to sign off any targets that you have achieved and completed on time in your individual learning plan (ILP). Do this on every visit. WorkSkills Unit 1: 3. 1, 3. 2 Unit 2: 3. 1, 3. 2, 3. 3 Task 1d When deciding on progression routes, you can look at moving vertically – by going up your career path step by step – or you can move laterally – by looking to see what other careers are open to you at the same level. Administrators develop transferable skills and can ? nd jobs in many different organisations and sectors. You could also go on to further learning in full-time education. Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 7 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration 1 To complete the ? nal section of your individual learning plan, you will need to look at possible progression routes following successful completion of your Apprenticeship. In advance of your assessor’s visit, ? rst research useful sources of information on progression routes. These should cover information on further training and education as well as jobs and careers. List the most useful sources of information here. EducationCollege, adult learning – Various college websites Open University – www. open. ac.uk Full time Education through college or university – Various college and university websites TrainingIn house company training – Line Manager /HR Department Outsourced training such as day / week courses with companies such as Hemsley Fraser or GBS Corporate Training – www. hemsleyfraser. co. uk/ & www. gbscorporate. com/. CareerIn house job shadowing – Line Manager /HR Department Applying for in house promotion Applying for a similar role with better progression opportunities – www. gov. uk/jobsearch Use these sources to identify the occupational opportunities in administration and related sectors that particularly appeal to you. Compare the progression routes that you could take to access these opportunities. Administration can relate to many sectors of a business, personally I like that my current role involves admin for most of our departments as it offers a day to day variation, it also gives a broad knowledge of skills required for each department as the duties are not all the same, the variation offers the opportunity to undergo many different day / week courses to gain more knowledge of a particular department which could lead to a preferred area of the business, you could therefore concentrate on gaining knowledge for that department by job shadowing and taking more intense courses such as adult learning and further education to develop the skills to progress to a higher level in your chosen area of business. 8 Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration Finally, make a note of your preferred career pathway. You should be prepared to discuss your choice when you meet with your assessor. To help you prepare for this meeting, use the space below to set out the steps required to achieve your career ambitions. 1. I personally would like to continue with my career as I feel full time education is not right for me, I would like to continue in my current role for the next approximately 2 years to acquire all the skills I feel I would need to progress, I would then like to look at team leader / junior management positions within the office / administration environment looking after a small team as I feel this would be a natural progression route, once secure in a junior management role I would like to take a further education course such as NVQ level 4 and also job shadowing to gain the skill required for a higher management position. BTEC Unit 9: 1. 1, 1. 2, 1. 3, 1. 4, 1. 5, 1. 6, 2. 1, 2. 2 WorkSkills Unit 4: 1. 1, 1. 2, 1. 3, 1. 4, 2. 1, 2. 2, 2. 3, 2. 4, 3. 1, 3. 2, 3. 3, 3. 4. PROFESSIONAL DISCUSSION Your assessor will conduct a professional discussion with you that will capture evidence necessary to prove your level of knowledge and understanding of relevant topics. Some topic areas you will need to consider when preparing for the professional discussion include: †¢ employment rights †¢ the responsibilities of the employer and the employees †¢ agreed ways of working in your organisation †¢ health, safety and security in the business environment. Your assessor will plan the content of your professional discussion and will offer advice to help you to prepare beforehand. The professional discussion may cover more than the topics considered in this section of your Workbook. Original text and illustrations  ©. Pearson Education Limited, 2011 9 BTEC Apprenticeship Assessment Workbook Level 3 Business & Administration 1 Discussion process The questioning process will offer you the opportunity to show your knowledge and understanding of employment rights and responsibilities and to assess your own performance at work. To prepare for this discussion, you should think about how you could answer the type of questions that might be asked. †¢ What is the purpose of a contract of employment? †¢ What terms and conditions are included on your own contract? †¢ What are the main areas of legislation that affect employees and employers? †¢ What are the main employer and employee responsibilities in relation to equality, diversity and discrimination? †¢ Why is it important to ensure that equality and diversity procedures are followed? †¢ What are your employer’s responsibilities for ensuring health, safety and security where you work? †¢ What are your health and safety responsibilities? Why must you comply with health, safety and security procedures? †¢ Where would you ? nd out about employment rights and responsibilities? What are the main sources of information at work, and what are the useful sources of information outside your organisation? †¢ What are the purpose, function and responsibilities of representative bodies that support employees? †¢ What procedures would you follow in the event of a grievance? †¢ What personal information must you keep up to date with your employer? †¢ What are your agreed ways of working? †¢ What information is contained in your pay statement? †¢ What are the main areas of public concern relevant to the sector in which your organisation operates? †¢ How have these concerns altered public views about the sector? 10 Original text and illustrations  © Pearson Education Limited, 2011.

Minority Group and Multiculturalism Essay

This research was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), for its seventh plenary meeting, held November 2011 in Berlin. The meeting’s theme was â€Å"National Identity, Immigration, and Social Cohesion: (Re)building Community in an Ever-Globalizing World† and this paper was one of the reports that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council, an MPI initiative undertaken in cooperation with its policy partner the Bertelsmann Stiftung, is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: Carnegie Corporation of New York, Open Society Foundations, Bertelsmann Stiftung, the Barrow Cadbury Trust (UK Policy Partner), the Luso-American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www. migrationpolicy. org/transatlantic.  © 2012 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www. migrationpolicy. org. Permission for reproducing excerpts from this report should be directed to: Permissions Department, Migration Policy Institute, 1400 16th Street, NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20036, or by contacting communications@migrationpolicy. org. Suggested citation: Kymlicka, Will. 2012. Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Table of Contents Executive Summary†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 1 I. Introduction†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 2 The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â ‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 3 . II. What Is Multiculturalism?†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 4 A. Misleading Model†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 4 . B. Multiculturalism in Context†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 5 . C. The Evolution of Multiculturalism Policies†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã ¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 7 III. Multiculturalism in Practice†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 10 A. The Canadian Success Story†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 10 B. The European Experience†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 13 . IV. The Retreat from Multiculturalism†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. . 14 A. Rhetoric versus Reality †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 14 B. Proliferation of Civic Integration Policies†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 15 . V. Conclusion:The Future of Multicultural Citizenship†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 21 Appendices†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 26 Works Cited†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 28 About the Author†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 32 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE Executive Summary Ideas about the legal and political accommodation of ethnic diversity — commonly termed â€Å"multiculturalism† — emerged in the West as a vehicle for replacing older forms of ethnic and racial hierarchy with new relations of democratic citizenship. Despite substantial evidence that these policies are making progress toward that goal, a chorus of political leaders has declared them a failure and heralded the death of multiculturalism. This popular master narrative is problematic because it mischaracterizes the nature of the experiments in multiculturalism that have been undertaken, exaggerates the extent to which they have been abandoned, and misidentifies not only the genuine difficulties and limitations they have encountered but the options for addressing these problems. Talk about the retreat from multiculturalism has obscured the fact that a form of multicultural integration remains a live option for Western democracies. This report challenges four powerful myths about multiculturalism. First, it disputes the caricature of multiculturalism as the uncritical celebration of diversity at the expense of addressing grave societal problems such as unemployment and social isolation. Instead it offers an account of multiculturalism as the pursuit of new relations of democratic citizenship, inspired and constrained by human-rights ideals. Second, it contests the idea that multiculturalism has been in wholesale retreat, and offers instead evidence that multiculturalism policies (MCPs) have persisted, and have even grown stronger, over the past ten years. Third, it challenges the idea that multiculturalism has failed, and offers instead evidence that MCPs have had positive effects. Fourth, it disputes the idea that the spread of civic integration policies has displaced multiculturalism or rendered it obsolete. The report instead offers evidence that MCPs are fully consistent with certain forms of civic integration policies, and that indeed the combination of multiculturalism with an â€Å"enabling† form of civic integration is both normatively desirable and empirically effective in at least some cases. To help address these issues, this paper draws upon the Multiculturalism Policy Index. This index 1) identifies eight concrete policy areas where liberal-democratic states — faced with a choice — decided to develop more multicultural forms of citizenship in relation to immigrant groups and 2) measures the extent to which countries have espoused some or all of these policies over time. While there have been some high-profile cases of retreat from MCPs, such as the Netherlands, the general pattern from 1980 to 2010 has been one of modest strengthening. Ironically, some countries that have been vociferous about multiculturalism’s â€Å"failure† (e. g. , Germany) have not actually practiced an active multicultural strategy. Talk about the retreat from multiculturalism has obscured the fact that a form of multicultural integration remains a live option for Western democracies. However, not all attempts to adopt new models of multicultural citizenship have taken root or succeeded in achieving their intended effects. There are several factors that can either facilitate or impede the successful implementation of multiculturalism: Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 1 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE Desecuritization of ethnic relations. Multiculturalism works best if relations between the state and minorities are seen as an issue of social policy, not as an issue of state security. If the state perceives immigrants to be a security threat (such as Arabs and Muslims after 9/11), support for multiculturalism will drop and the space for minorities to even voice multicultural claims will diminish. Human rights. Support for multiculturalism rests on the assumption that there is a shared commitment to human rights across ethnic and religious lines. If states perceive certain groups as unable or unwilling to respect human-rights norms, they are unlikely to accord them multicultural rights or resources. Much of the backlash against multiculturalism is fundamentally driven by anxieties about Muslims, in particular, and their perceived unwillingness to embrace liberal-democratic norms. Border control. Multiculturalism is more controversial when citizens fear they lack control over their borders — for instance when countries are faced with large numbers (or unexpected surges) of unauthorized immigrants or asylum seekers — than when citizens feel the borders are secure. Diversity of immigrant groups. Multiculturalism works best when it is genuinely multicultural — that is, when immigrants come from many source countries rather than coming overwhelmingly from just one (which is more likely to lead to polarized relations with the majority). Economic contributions. Support for multiculturalism depends on the perception that immigrants are holding up their end of the bargain and making a good-faith effort to contribute to society — particularly economically. When these facilitating conditions are present, multiculturalism can be seen as a low-risk option, and indeed seems to have worked well in such cases. Multiculturalism tends to lose support in high-risk situations where immigrants are seen as predominantly illegal, as potential carriers of illiberal practices or movements, or as net burdens on the welfare state. However, one could argue that rejecting immigrant multiculturalism under these circumstances is in fact the higher-risk move. It is precisely when immigrants are perceived as illegitimate, illiberal, and burdensome that multiculturalism may be most needed. I. Introduction Ideas about the legal and political accommodation of ethnic diversity have been in a state of flux around the world for the past 40 years. One hears much about the â€Å"rise and fall of multiculturalism. † Indeed, this has become a kind of master narrative, widely invoked by scholars, journalists, and policymakers alike to explain the evolution of contemporary debates about diversity. Although people disagree about what comes after multiculturalism, there is a surprising consensus that we are in a post-multicultural era. This report contends that this master narrative obscures as much as it reveals, and that we need an alternative framework for thinking about the choices we face. Multiculturalism’s successes and failures, as well as its level of public acceptance, have depended on the nature of the issues at stake and the countries involved, and we need to understand these variations if we are to identify a more sustainable model for accommodating diversity. This paper will argue that the master narrative 1) mischaracterizes the nature of the experiments in multiculturalism that have been undertaken, 2) exaggerates the extent to which they have been abandoned, and 3) misidentifies the genuine difficulties and limitations they have encountered and the options for addressing these problems. 2 Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE Before we can decide whether to celebrate or lament the fall of multiculturalism, we need first to make sure we know what multiculturalism has meant both in theory and in practice, where it has succeeded or failed to meet its objectives, and under what conditions it is likely to thrive in the future. The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism The master narrative of the â€Å"rise and fall of multiculturalism† helpfully captures important features of our current debates. Yet in some respects it is misleading, and may obscure the real challenges and opportunities we face. In its simplest form, the master narrative goes like this:1 Since the mid-1990s †¦ we have seen a backlash and retreat from multiculturalism. From the 1970s to mid-1990s, there was a clear trend across Western democracies toward the increased recognition and accommodation of diversity through a range of multiculturalism policies (MCPs) and minority rights. These policies were endorsed both at the domestic level in some states and by international organizations, and involved a rejection of earlier ideas of unitary and homogeneous nationhood. Since the mid-1990s, however, we have seen a backlash and retreat from multiculturalism, and a reassertion of ideas of nation building, common values and identity, and unitary citizenship — even a call for the â€Å"return of assimilation. † This retreat is partly driven by fears among the majority group that the accommodation of diversity has â€Å"gone too far† and is threatening their way of life. This fear often expresses itself in the rise of nativist and populist right-wing political movements, such as the Danish People’s Party, defending old ideas of â€Å"Denmark for the Danish. † But the retreat also reflects a belief among the center-left that multiculturalism has failed to help the intended beneficiaries — namely, minorities themselves — because it has failed to address the underlying sources of their social, economic, and political exclusion and may have unintentionally contributed to their social isolation. As a result, even the center-left political movements that initially championed multiculturalism, such as the social democratic parties in Europe, have backed 1 For influential academic statements of this â€Å"rise and fall† narrative, claiming that it applies across the Western democracies, see Rogers Brubaker, â€Å"The Return of Assimilation? † Ethnic and Racial Studies 24, no. 4 (2001): 531–48; and Christian Joppke, â€Å"The Retreat of Multiculturalism in the Liberal State: Theory and Policy,† British Journal of Sociology 55, no. 2 (2004): 237–57. There are also many accounts of the â€Å"decline,† â€Å"retreat,† or â€Å"crisis† of multiculturalism in particular countries. For the Netherlands, see Han Entzinger, â€Å"The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism in the Netherlands,† in Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States, eds. Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska (London: Palgrave, 2003) and Ruud Koopmans, â€Å"Trade-Offs between Equality and Difference: The Crisis of Dutch Multiculturalism in Cross-National Perspective† (Brief, Danish Institute for International Studies, Copenhagen, December 2006). For Britain, see Randall Hansen, â€Å"Diversity, Integration and the Turn from Multiculturalism in the United Kingdom,† in Belonging? Diversity, Recognition and Shared Citizenship in Canada, eds. Keith G. Banting, Thomas J. Courchene, and F. Leslie Seidle (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 2007); Les Back, Michael Keith, Azra Khan, Kalbir Shukra, and John Solomos, â€Å"New Labour’s White Heart: Politics, Multiculturalism and the Return of Assimilation,† Political Quarterly 73, No. 4 (2002): 445–54; Steven Vertovec, â€Å"Towards post-multiculturalism? Changing communities, conditions and contexts of diversity,† International Social Science Journal 61 (2010): 83–95. For Australia, see Ien Ang and John Stratton, â€Å"Multiculturalism in Crisis: The New Politics of Race and National Identity in Australia,† in On Not Speaking Chinese: Living Between Asia and the West, ed. I. Ang (London: Routledge, 2001). For Canada, see Lloyd Wong, Joseph Garcea, and Anna Kirova, An Analysis of the ‘Anti- and Post-Multiculturalism’ Discourses: The Fragmentation Position (Alberta: Prairie Centre for Excellence in Research on Immigration and Integration, 2005), http://pmc. metropolis. net/Virtual%20Library/FinalReports/Post-multi%20FINAL%20REPORT%20for%20PCERII%20_2_. pdf. For a good overview of the backlash discourse in various countries, see Steven Vertovec and Susan Wessendorf, eds. , The Multiculturalism Backlash: European Discourses, Policies and Practices (London: Routledge, 2010). Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 3 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE away from it and shifted to a discourse that emphasizes â€Å"civic integration,† â€Å"social cohesion,† â€Å"common values,† and â€Å"shared citizenship. †2 The social-democratic discourse of civic integration differs from the radical-right discourse in emphasizing the need to develop a more inclusive national identity and to fight racism and discrimination, but it nonetheless distances itself from the rhetoric and policies of multiculturalism. The term postmulticulturalism has often been invoked to signal this new approach, which seeks to overcome the limits of a naive or misguided multiculturalism while avoiding the oppressive reassertion of homogenizing nationalist ideologies. 3 II. What Is Multiculturalism? A. Misleading Model In much of the post-multiculturalist literature, multiculturalism is characterized as a feel-good celebration of ethnocultural diversity, encouraging citizens to acknowledge and embrace the panoply of customs, traditions, music, and cuisine that exist in a multiethnic society. Yasmin Alibhai-Brown calls this the â€Å"3S† model of multiculturalism in Britain — saris, samosas, and steeldrums. 4 Multiculturalism takes these familiar cultural markers of ethnic groups — clothing, cuisine, and music — and treats them as authentic practices to be preserved by their members and safely consumed by others. Under the banner of multiculturalism they are taught in school, performed in festivals, displayed in media and museums, and so on. This celebratory model of multiculturalism has been the focus of many critiques, including the following: It ignores issues of economic and political inequality. Even if all Britons come to enjoy Jamaican steeldrum music or Indian samosas, this would do nothing to address the real problems facing Caribbean and South Asian communities in Britain — problems of unemployment, poor educational outcomes, residential segregation, poor English language skills, and political marginalization. These economic and political issues cannot be solved simply by celebrating cultural differences. Even with respect to the (legitimate) goal of promoting greater understanding of cultural differences, the focus on celebrating â€Å"authentic† cultural practices that are â€Å"unique† to each group is potentially dangerous. First, not all customs that may be traditionally practiced within a particular group are worthy of being celebrated, or even of being legally tolerated, such as forced marriage. To avoid stirring up controversy, there’s a tendency to choose as the focus of multicultural celebrations safely inoffensive practices — such as cuisine or music — that can be enjoyably consumed by members of the larger society. But this runs the opposite risk 2 For an overview of the attitudes of European social democratic parties to these issues, see Rene Cuperus, Karl Duffek, and Johannes Kandel, eds. , The Challenge of Diversity: European Social Democracy Facing Migration, Integration and Multiculturalism (Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 2003). For references to â€Å"post-multiculturalism† by progressive intellectuals, who distinguish it from the radical right’s â€Å"antimulticulturalism,† see, regarding the United Kingdom, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, After Multiculturalism (London: Foreign Policy Centre, 2000), and â€Å"Beyond Multiculturalism,† Canadian Diversity/Diversite Canadienne 3, no. 2 (2004): 51–4; regarding Australia, James Jupp, From White Australia to Woomera: The Story of Australian Immigration, 2nd edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); and regarding the United States, Desmond King, The Liberty of Strangers: Making the American Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), and David A. Hollinger, Post-ethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism, revised edition (New York: Basic Books, 2006). Alibhai-Brown, After Multiculturalism. 3 4 4 Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE of the trivialization or Disneyfication of cultural differences,5 ignoring the real challenges that differences in cultural and religious values can raise. Third, the 3S model of multiculturalism can encourage a conception of groups as hermetically sealed and static, each reproducing its own distinct practices. Multiculturalism may be intended to encourage people to share their customs, but the assumption that each group has its own distinctive customs ignores processes of cultural adaptation, mixing, and melange, as well as emerging cultural commonalities, thereby potentially reinforcing perceptions of minorities as eternally â€Å"other. † This in turn can lead to the strengthening of prejudice and stereotyping, and more generally to the polarization of ethnic relations. Fourth, this model can end up reinforcing power inequalities and cultural restrictions within minority groups. In deciding which traditions are â€Å"authentic,† and how to interpret and display them, the state generally consults the traditional elites within the group — typically older males — while ignoring the way these traditional practices (and traditional elites) are often challenged by internal reformers, who have different views about how, say, a â€Å"good Muslim† should act. It can therefore imprison people in â€Å"cultural scripts† that they are not allowed to question or dispute. According to post-multiculturalists, the growing recognition of these flaws underlies the retreat from multiculturalism and signals the search for new models of citizenship that emphasize 1) political participation and economic opportunities over the symbolic politics of cultural recognition, 2) human rights and individual freedom over respect for cultural traditions, 3) the building of inclusive national identities over the recognition of ancestral cultural identities, and 4) cultural change and cultural mixing over the reification of static cultural differences. This narrative about the rise and fall of 3S multiculturalism will no doubt be familiar to many readers. In my view, however, it is inaccurate. Not only is it a caricature of the reality of multiculturalism as it has developed over the past 40 years in the Western democracies, but it is a distraction from the real issues that we need to face. The 3S model captures something important about natural human tendencies to simplify ethnic differences, and about the logic of global capitalism to sell cosmopolitan cultural products, but it does not capture the nature of post-1960s government MCPs, which have had more complex historical sources and political goals. B. Multiculturalism in Context It is important to put multiculturalism in its historical context. In one sense, it is as old as humanity — different cultures have always found ways of coexisting, and respect for diversity was a familiar feature of many historic empires, such as the Ottoman Empire. But the sort of multiculturalism that is said to have had a â€Å"rise and fall† is a more specific historic phenomenon, emerging first in the Western democracies in the late 1960s. This timing is important, for it helps us situate multiculturalism in relation to larger social transformations of the postwar era. More specifically, multiculturalism is part of a larger human-rights revolution involving ethnic and racial diversity. Prior to World War II, ethnocultural and religious diversity in the West was characterized by a range of illiberal and undemocratic relationships of hierarchy,6 justified by racialist ideologies that explicitly propounded the superiority of some peoples and cultures and their right to rule over others. These ideologies were widely accepted throughout the Western world and underpinned both domestic laws (e. g. , racially biased immigration and citizenship policies) and foreign policies (e. g. , in relation to overseas colonies). 5 6 Neil Bissoondath, Selling Illusions: The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada (Toronto: Penguin, 1994). Including relations of conqueror and conquered, colonizer and colonized, master and slave, settler and indigenous, racialized and unmarked, normalized and deviant, orthodox and heretic, civilized and primitive, and ally and enemy. Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future 5 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE After World War II, however, the world recoiled against Hitler’s fanatical and murderous use of such ideologies, and the United Nations decisively repudiated them in favor of a new ideology of the equality of races and peoples. And this new assumption of human equality generated a series of political movements designed to contest the lingering presence or enduring effects of older hierarchies. We can distinguish three â€Å"waves† of such movements: 1) the struggle for decolonization, concentrated in the period 1948–65; 2) the struggle against racial segregation and discrimination, initiated and exemplified by the AfricanAmerican civil-rights movement from 1955 to 1965; and 3) the struggle for multiculturalism and minority rights, which emerged in the late 1960s. Multiculturalism is part of a larger human-rights revolution involving ethnic and racial diversity. Each of these movements draws upon the human-rights revolution, and its foundational ideology of the equality of races and peoples, to challenge the legacies of earlier ethnic and racial hierarchies. Indeed, the human-rights revolution plays a double role here, not just as the inspiration for a struggle, but also as a constraint on the permissible goals and means of that struggle. Insofar as historically excluded or stigmatized groups struggle against earlier hierarchies in the name of equality, they too have to renounce their own traditions of exclusion or oppression in the treatment of, say, women, gays, people of mixed race, religious dissenters, and so on. Human rights, and liberal-democratic constitutionalism more generally, provide the overarching framework within which these struggles are debated and addressed. Each of these movements, therefore, can be seen as contributing to a process of democratic â€Å"citizenization† — that is, turning the earlier catalog of hierarchical relations into relationships of liberaldemocratic citizenship. This entails transforming both the vertical relationships between minorities and the state and the horizontal relationships among the members of different groups. In the past, it was often assumed that the only way to engage in this process of citizenization was to impose a single undifferentiated model of citizenship on all individuals. But the ideas and policies of multiculturalism that emerged from the 1960s start from the assumption that this complex history inevitably and appropriately generates group-differentiated ethnopolitical claims. The key to citizenization is not to suppress these differential claims but to filter them through and frame them within the language of human rights, civil liberties, and democratic accountability. And this is what multiculturalist movements have aimed to do. The precise character of the resulting multicultural reforms varies from group to group, as befits the distinctive history that each has faced. They all start from the antidiscrimination principle that underpinned the second wave but go beyond it to challenge other forms of exclusion or stigmatization. In most Western countries, explicit state-sponsored discrimination against ethnic, racial, or religious minorities had largely ceased by the 1960s and 1970s, under the influence of the second wave of humanrights struggles. Yet ethnic and racial hierarchies persist in many societies, whether measured in terms of economic inequalities, political underrepresentation, social stigmatization, or cultural invisibility. Various forms of multiculturalism have been developed to help overcome these lingering inequalities. The focus in this report is on multiculturalism as it pertains to (permanently settled) immigrant groups,7 7 There was briefly in some European countries a form of â€Å"multiculturalism† that was not aimed at the inclusion of permanent immigrants, but rather at ensuring that temporary migrants would return to their country of origin. For example, mothertongue education in Germany was not initially introduced â€Å"as a minority right but in order to enable guest worker children to reintegrate in their countries of origin† (Karen Schonwalder, â€Å"Germany: Integration Policy and Pluralism in a Self-Conscious Country of Immigration,† in The Multiculturalism Backlash: European Discourses, Policies and Practices, eds. Steven Vertovec and Susanne Wessendorf [London: Routledge, 2010], 160). Needless to say, this sort of â€Å"returnist† multiculturalism — premised on the idea that migrants are foreigners who should return to their real home — has nothing to do with multiculturalism policies (MCPs) premised on the idea that immigrants belong in their host countries, and which aim to make immigrants 6 Multiculturalism: Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE but it is worth noting that struggles for multicultural citizenship have also emerged in relation to historic minorities and indigenous peoples. 8 C. The Evolution of Multiculturalism Policies The case of immigrant multiculturalism is just one aspect of a larger â€Å"ethnic revival† across the Western democracies,9 in which different types of minorities have struggled for new forms of multicultural citizenship that combine both antidiscrimination measures and positive forms of recognition and accommodation. Multicultural citizenship for immigrant groups clearly does not involve the same types of claims as for indigenous peoples or national minorities: immigrant groups do not typically seek land rights, territorial autonomy, or official language status. What then is the substance of multicultural citizenship in relation to immigrant groups? The Multiculturalism Policy Index is one attempt to measure the evolution of MCPs in a standardized format that enables comparative research. 10 The index takes the following eight policies as the most common or emblematic forms of immigrant MCPs:11 Constitutional, legislative, or parliamentary affirmation of multiculturalism, at the central and/ or regional and municipal levels The adoption of multiculturalism in school curricula The inclusion of ethnic representation/sensitivity in the mandate of public media or media licensing Exemptions from dress codes, either by statute or by court cases Allowing of dual citizenship The funding of ethnic group organizations to support cultural activities The funding of bilingual education or mother-tongue instruction Affirmative action for disadvantaged immigrant groups12 feel more at home where they are. The focus of this paper is on the latter type of multiculturalism, which is centrally concerned with constructing new relations of citizenship. 8 In relation to indigenous peoples, for example — such as the Maori in New Zealand, Aboriginal peoples in Canada and Australia, American Indians, the Sami in Scandinavia, and the Inuit of Greenland — new models of multicultural citizenship have emerged since the late 1960s that include policies such as land rights, self-government rights, recognition of customary laws, and guarantees of political consultation. And in relation to substate national groups — such as the Basques and Catalans in Spain, Flemish and Walloons in Belgium, Scots and Welsh in Britain, Quebecois in Canada, Germans in South Tyrol, Swedish in Finland — we see new models of multicultural citizenship that include policies such as federal or quasi-federal territorial autonomy; official language status, either in the region or nationally; and guarantees of representation in the central government or on constitutional courts. 9 Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). 10 Keith Banting and I developed this index, first published in Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka, eds. , Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). Many of the ideas discussed in this paper are the result of our collaboration. 11 As with all cross-national indices, there is a trade-off between standardization and sensitivity to local nuances. There is no universally accepted definition of multiculturalism policies and no hard and fast line that would sharply distinguish MCPs from closely related policy fields, such as antidis

Can Brazil Become a Global Competitor in the Information

Their IT out sourcing sector is small relative to Indian's. The theory about International trade states that the differences In endowment factors of production, levels of technology that determine the factor Intensities used, efficiencies with which these factor Intensities re utilized, and foreign exchange rates. Ball, Greener and Magnet) International Investment theories talk about comparative advantage and competitive advantages. An example of a comparative advantage between the united States and Brazil would be how the US has an advantage in computers, while Brazil has an advantage in shoes. The information technology service industry has expanded rapidly. Many companies worldwide have made the decision to outsource this industry to offshore companies. Worldwide demand has increased growth to forty to fifty percent on an annual compounded rate basis.Although Brazil has made substantial progress in reducing traditional border trade barriers (tariffs, import licensing, etc. ), tari ff rates in many areas remain high and continue to favor locally produced products. Brazier's barriers to trade are a cause for concern for the US Government and the European Union (ELI), both of whom continue to work through regional trade accord negotiations and at the WTFO level to influence tariff and non-tariff barriers. This report touches upon a broad range of trade regulations that may affect US companies seeking to export to Brazil.

Paper phil Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Paper phil - Essay Example Hinduism also means the emergence of Vedas, in which the Upanishads were composed between the 7th and 3rd century and also it became a part of the Vedas. Buddhism was emerged as a part of Shramana movements, around the 5th century. â€Å"Hinduism has the belief of monotheistic (one God) as well as polytheistic (many Gods) elements: the one Supreme Being (Brahman) also exists simultaneously in the deities of the Creator (Brahma), the Reality or Sustainer (Vishnu) and the Destroyer (Shiva)† (Hinduism par.6). According to the Buddhism philosophy, there is no god which does not believe in the concept of god. â€Å"In fact, often those who scorn others, claiming some unconvincing excuse, are unable to look the target of their ridicule directly in the eye, perhaps because they see their ownselves there† (Ikeda & Nanda p.9). The reincarnation and ultimate salvation was taught by Buddhism and rejected Vedas of Hinduism. An important principle of Hinduism is the Law of Karma. It is the law of cause and effect in which each and every action should have a reaction, which will happen in the first life time or the next birth. Buddhism criticizes the religious value of sacrifice and giving importance to particular deities. Also they are denying Upanishads of Hinduism, where Upanishads contain the concept of one’s true self (atman) with the divine ground claimed that Individual’s existence does not have the quality of an imperishable, blissful self or atman. There are two great epics in Hinduism; they are Bhagavad Gita and Mahabharata which was composed in 6th and 7th century. Buddhism has the doctrines which were written in Pali –a canon text. Yoga is one of the important disciplines of Hinduism. Through Yoga, one can get a controlled body and mind. In Buddhism they have the concept for salvation which is depended on oneself and not to others. Traditional worship of God in Hinduism is known as pooja. There will be a pooja room in every Hindu’s house. â€Å"Hinduism is

Counterterrorism and Information Systems Your protection versus your Research Paper - 1

Counterterrorism and Information Systems Your protection versus your rights - Research Paper Example The war towards terrorism has never been a smooth path, hence a number of ethical issues had to be broken. A country is always torn by the dilemma of either protecting its citizens from terrorism by use of information technology to feed them with required data to help them fight terrorism and the constitutional rights of individuals to have their personal rights. It is evident that a sound decision in such a case is necessary as this is an ethical dilemma and one that can cause problems if messed around with. Vital information regarding people’s lives is usually interfered with in the process of counterterrorism. For instance, the government usually uses personal databases to extract information about certain people hence breaching their constitutional personal rights. Faced with a tough decision on breaking its constitutional mandate to protect its citizens from terrorists and protecting their rights, somehow calls for a proper decision on whether counterterrorism use of information technology is ethical There usually so many ways which the government can combat terrorism without interfering with the personal rights of their individuals. This can involve sending spies to terrorist zones, of which it has not been successful as they eventually get discovered and stringent punishment administered to them. Another alternative to the government combating terrorism will be through fighting together with other countries to ensure that the leaders and the culprits funding them are detained. In practical sense, these has been one impossible affair since most of the terrorist groups usually live in hiding and have spies all over when soldiers come to attack them. Another alternative that can be used to combat terrorism may be through rigorous checks and racial profiling of individuals from countries prone to harbour terrorist,

NYC Department of Education Teachers of Speech Improvement Essay - 1

NYC Department of Education Teachers of Speech Improvement - Essay Example The first learning strategy that needs to be implemented is to incorporate the utilization of the auditory process itself. Some children are prone to be weak in attention and memory that leads to speech impairment. Teachers can help with students to assist them in slowing their rate of speech which focuses on enunciation. In addition, factors such as visual cues can further dramatically increase focus and memory. Moreover the utilization of eye contact can also be embedded at this strategy. Eye contact is an absolutely necessary element that has many benefits. First and foremost is the fact that a steady eye contact induces confidence for the student who is presenting. Eye contact also enables the student to acknowledge the body language of the audience, which may assist the student in modifying their speech. Maintaining a steady eye contact enables the student to better understand the environment they are in. The second learning strategy that is an absolute must is the utilization of group sessions in which students will engaged in a collaborative learning effort. This unique strategy will enhance dialogue amongst students, stimulating conversation and collaborative learning. Although this strategy might be underestimated, conducive research shows that that student who are likely to be involved in conversations are more likely to enhance their linguistic skills. The third learning strategy that is extremely essential is focusing on the syntax of the vocabulary. Using expressive language goals for children will induce focus on vocabulary development. It will give the children a boost of confidence. Helping children with syntax goals comprises of developing phrases and sentences. In addition, it can also focus around isolationing sounds and words with the emphasis on enunciation. Speech therapists can facilitate the process with repeating syllabuses that can help reduce cluttering. This

Positivist and Interpretivist Research Designs Essay

Positivist and Interpretivist Research Designs - Essay Example It is a case study format but still an effective format to lead out to the research objective and to the objective reality of the research (Shanks, 2002). The Methodology In order to address the question, there are two research approaches that are applicable in a positive research design – the descriptive research approach and the experimental research approach. The descriptive research approach will lead to the empirical studies, surveys, correlation studies, and relevant case studies about the employee motivation and performance in the UK domiciliary care sector (Poinasamy, 2009). This collected empirical evidence will become the source of guide for the researcher to carry out effective experimentation and observation. In order to understand the significance of relationship between zero hours contract and employee motivation, and zero-hours contract and employee performance, this accumulated empirical evidence will come out as an effective resource. Such collected empirical evidence will become a source of experimentation in the research (Belk, 2007, p.198). The Experimentation In the highly controlled conditions, the observations will be taken from the selected organization of the UK domiciliary sector (Poinasamy, 2009, p.3). These observations will become the primary source of data to understand the correlations between the zero hour contract and employee motivation and zero-hour contract and employee performance. It is actually the comprehension of the variables that will bring deliberate understanding for the positivist researcher. Keeping zero-hour contract as a constant variable, the effect of this variable will be found on employee motivation and performance, which are two dependent variables. By applying such... This report approves that the contemporary literature of research indicates that there are two approaches that are significantly applied to address research questions- positivism and interpretivism. The positivist research follows through the objective research design to address and answer the research inquires. The interpretivist research goes through with the subjectivist research design, which is based on introspection and exploration. This is how both of the research designs are significantly applicable to researches and empirical studies. The researcher will take the thematic rout e of analysis in order to explore the situation of UK domiciliary care sector. This report has applied both the positivist and the interpretivist research design to address a derived research question. The differences in terms of methodologies, beliefs and the research conducts are highlighted between both positivism and interpretivism. The difference indicates that positivist approach applies the scientific models for analysis, while the interpretivist approach applies personal rationale, and introspection to conduct research. In this way, the positivist approach sets the mathematical and scientific ground of research while the interpretivist design base the research on contemporary and past empirical evidences. Both approaches effectively address the research question but have a different route and methodology to conduct research.

PeopleSoft vs. Oracle Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

PeopleSoft vs. Oracle - Research Paper Example s, â€Å"The acquisition of one company by another that is accomplished not by coming to an agreement with the target companys  management, but by going  directly to  the company’s shareholders or fighting to replace management in order to get the acquisition approved† (Investopedia, 2012). The hostile takeover bid of the company was unusual due to the fact that the company had no interest in the product or services that PeopleSoft offered. Instead Oracle was solely interested in the customers of PeopleSoft. The plan of Oracle was to convert all the customers of PeopleSoft into its EPR system. Another unusual aspect of the original offer was that it was only 6% above the market value of the firm. Typically most hostile takeover bids are at least 20% above the market value. It seemed as if Oracle was taking a huge gamble in this takeover offer since the firm was not going to utilize the intellectual property of PeopleSoft to its advantage. The plan of Oracle was to increase its market share by eliminating its top competitor. The conditions that needed to be met for the independent boards of directors to determine if the sale of the company was in the best interest of the company was whether the hostile takeover bid maximizes the shareholders wealth. The initial offer was so low that there was no reason for the company to accept it since the bid was undervalued in comparison with other hostile takeovers of publicly traded companies. Even though the primary focus of the board should be the shareholders, the interest of other stakeholders of the company such as the employees and the customers were also important. Based on Oracle’s plan some of the negative consequences included mass firing of employees due to downsizing and a deterioration of customer relations. PeopleSoft had in its bylaws a poison pill to protect itself against hostile takeovers. The poison pill was a bylaw that stated that the company had the ability to release more shares in order to dilute

Election of 1876 Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Election of 1876 - Research Paper Example Amendment 14 and 15, passed in 1866, were well incorporated in the constitution giving black citizens equal status as whites and abolishing slavery. The stage was all set to select a new president for the new United States of America. The panic created by the economic depression in 1873 had left the public with many bitter memories. The economic depression had also reduced the interest of northerners in Reconstruction of southern region. (Olson, 15-24) General Ulysses Grant, the 18th President of US was not able to handle the 1873 panic crisis aptly. Many key people in his government were directly accused of being involved in the railroad corruption charges. Hence, the entire population of US was hoping for a change and the election of 1876 was supposed to deliver it. (Brune, 124) Selection of the 19th US President The election of 1876 has a very special significance in US history. It is till date the closest Presidential election in the US history. On March 03, 1987, Rutherford Birc hard Hayes was sworn in secretly in the Red Room as the 19th President of The United States. The entire saga dates back to the last Presidential term of General Ulysses Grant. Grant’s term as a President was tainted with many corruption charges. Both the Republicans and the Democrats were aware of the importance of winning public trust to clinch the 19th US Presidential Election. Hence, both the parties wanted their candidates to have a clean image. To serve this purpose the democrats opted for Samuel J. Tilden, who had an impeccable record. Tilden had established himself as the reform minded governor of New York. He also had strong support base .His stand on removing the remaining Federal occupation soldiers from south had won him many fans from his northern constituency. Due to the economic crisis, the northern region was no more interested in the Reconstruction of south. The Reconstruction was depleting the north and they wanted to end the reconstruction movement. (Cooper) The republicans on the other hand decided to nominate James G Blaine but due to his involvement in some questionable deals his nomination was revoked and Rutherford B. Hayes was nominated. Rutherford B. Hayes was the governor of Ohio. He also like Tilden had a clean public image and commanded respect from many. He was hailed as a war hero by many. Peter Cooper was nominated by the National Greenback Party. He was 85 years of age. The Republicans raised questions regarding the health issues of Tilden. Tilden’s ties with railroad projects were also an issue of objection for many. The democrats questioned the intentions of Hayes regarding reforms to assure equality to the black citizens of United States (Cooper). The Election Campaign As the election campaign began, the general view was that the Democrats would win by a huge margin. Grant’s term as a President was clouded by many corruption charges. The Republicans were afraid of a public backlash due to their last gover nment’s performance. By the time the election was concluded, it appeared as though Tilden had won the election. It was only once the counting was over that it was realized that Tilden must win the southern state votes by huge margin to declare a win. The republicans became aware of the ground reality and fought southern state elections with a new leash of life. The Republicans and the Democrats both indulged in giving bribes and spread money around to buy votes. Florida, Louisiana, and Southern Carolina were the states in question. Both parties knew that if

Significance of Chaco Canyon Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Significance of Chaco Canyon - Research Paper Example Archeological explorations began at Chaco Canyon at the end of the 19th century by the archeologists Richard Wetherill and George H. Pepper. Since then, increasing interest in the site led to the undertaking of several excavation projects in both small and large sites in the region under the sponsorship of national organizations like the American Museum of Natural History, the National Geographic Society and the Smithsonian Institution. Further, the imminent southwestern archeologists who have conducted projects at Chaco Canyon include Stephen Lekson, Jim Judge, Neil Judd, Gwinn Vivian, and Thomas Windes (Fagan, 2005). Chaco Canyon was a multi-site community dating from A.D. 900-1150, and believed to originate from earlier times. The archeology of the canyon has been interpreted in different ways by various archeologists and investigators. Taking into consideration the limited arable land in the region of Chaco Canyon, its population size and the consequent implications on Puebloan s elf-sufficiency have been debated. According to Nelson (1995), arguments related to local socio-political organization and the extent to which Chaco Canyon settlements played a dominant role in the region are based on the archeology of the ancient historic site. Thesis Statement: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the significance of Chaco Canyon, the ancient archeological site which had dominated the region at that time. The Significance of Chaco Canyon Chaco Canyon is a circular, saucer-shaped depression approximately one hundred miles in diameter. The canyon’s relatively flat landscape inclines at the mountains bordering the region on the north, east, and west, while the south did not have a well-defined edge to the San Juan Basin and has a series of uplifts. â€Å"The San Juan River and its tributaries carry runoff from the basin to the Colorado River to the west† (Lister & Lister, 1981, p.179). Chaco Canyon: Unique Features Chaco Canyon is one of Americaà ¢â‚¬â„¢s richest archeological zones. The region is subjected to great extremes in temperature, it is devoid of trees and year-round running water, and the canyon’s sandy bases are cut deep by an arroyo or rift. At present, the terraces above have saltbrush, snakeweed, prickly pear cactus, and stunted grasses. In this forlorn region the canyons have walls of â€Å"treacherously spalling tawny sandstone† (Lister & Lister, 1981, p.3) apparently uninviting to farmers from settling down in the canyon. This is reiterated by Roberts (1929), who states that the canyon itself is quite narrow, less than a mile wide at its widest point. Its walls are of red sandstone, and the mesa tops above are almost barren, with a few stunted cedar and pinon trees, sagebrush, and scanty grass; but with pines smaller trees near its upper end. â€Å"In all directions, the region is marked by shifting sand, great dry washes, deep arroyos, and a lack of vegetation† (Roberts, 1929, p.9). Re markably, this was the chosen site for the early Puebloan people, as indicated by the eleven large pueblo ruins and the countless numbers of small houses spread over the canyon. Although today there is no settlement in Chaco Canyon, Navajo herdsmen eke out a bare living in the perimeters of the area.

Existentialism in My Eyes Essay Example for Free

Existentialism in My Eyes Essay To begin with I would like to briefly what the dictionary defines as existentialism. A philosophical theory or approach that emphasizes the existence of the individual person as a free and responsible agent determining their own development through acts of the will(merriam-webster). It is a a 20thcentury philosophical movement that places the main emphasis on the existence of humans. Existentialism calls attention to freedom of action and freedom of choice. According to this theory one is always free to act in any way he or she wills and should not consider others actions, thoughts or views in doing so. Since every person in considered to bought into the world alone and thena gain die alone they are not expected to be courteous or considerate to the people around them. Esentially we are all responsible for our own existence. However existentialism is so vague in its definition because it is viewed so differently by so many people. Not just scholars but those who study the term as well. The fathers of existentialism are said to be; Soren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche, although the phenomenological version of it begins in Heidegger,who vehemently denied being an existentialist, Sartre, and continues through Kafka and Camus. Since most existentialist thinkers never used that word to describe their philosophies,Sartre did, but purportedly rejected the term on his deathbed, you will find some differences between them However existentialism and those who live it tend to have certain characteristics according to most scholars:  ¦they are obsessed with how to live ones life and believe that philosophical and psychological inquiry can help. ¦they believe there are certain questions that everyone must deal with (if they are to take human life seriously), and that these are special existential questions. Questions such as death, the meaning of human existence, the place of God in human existence, the meaning of value, interpersonal relationship, the place of self-reflective conscious knowledge of ones self in existing. Note that the existentialists on this characterization dont pay much attention to social questions such as the politics of life and what social responsibility the society or state has. They focus almost exclusively on the individual.  ¦By and large Existentialists believe that life is very difficult and that it doesnt have an objective or universally known value, but that the individual must create value by affiriming it and living it, not by talking about it.  ¦Existential choices and values are primarily demonstrated in ACT not in words.  ¦Given that one is focusing on individual existence and the existential struggles (that is, in making decisions that are meaningful in everyday life), they often find that literary characterizations rather than more abstract philosophical thinking, are the best ways to elucidate existential struggles.  ¦They tend to take freedom of the will, the human power to do or not do, as absolutely obvious. Now and again there are arguments for free will in Existentialist literature, but even in these arguments, one gets the distinct sense that the arguments are not for themselves, but for outsiders. Inside the movement, free will is axiomatic, it is intuitively obvious, it is the backdrop of all else that goes on. There are certainly exceptions to each of these things, but this is sort of a placing of the existentialist-like positions. (Corbett,1985). Existenitialism focuses on several principles , however there are three major ones; Subjectivity, Anguish, and Forlornness. Subjectivity is the first principle of Existentialism. Subjectivity means the name we are given when charges are brought up against us. This idea that we are born with a plan in mind. It is what we will make for ourselves for our future. You never know where your life is going to take you . Angusish is the feeling that Satre made reference to when we realize that we are totally reponsible for not only our own existence but all of mankind. When we speak of forlornness, a term Heidegger seemed to use often , we mean only that God does not exist and that we,ust face the consquence of that reality, that God is not responsible for our existence but we are The feeling of forlornness stems from an individuals realization that people are alone in the world, unable to rely on anything absolutely or anyone. Though these three are the major principles I I personally value the idea of authenticity that existentialism seems to focus on. It fits perfectly in modern society It allows the idea that being true to ones character, personality, and choices is required to be authentic Modern day society has created cookie cutter facades that has us all boxed into roles and classifications. Which is why most modern day philosophers tend to view traditional and academic ideologies as too abstract or remote for current society. I sometimes think its not the theories that are remote but the uppitiness of the ivory tower in its presentation that makes them seem too difficult to master. However to me its like the 2+2 theory, that the origins of philosophical thought must stem from human experience. Another answer is that the authentic attitude is very simple. It strips away the complications of people telling you how to live and what to do and who you should be. Its appealing to those surrounded or overwhelmed by the cacophony of voices in todays society, especially to young people. It is the expression of freedom in a world of constraints. Again, Sartre might have rejected some of this as being not what he meant by authenticity. But really the point is that these attitudes are popular. I think I should go back to the beginning again. What does authenticity mean? Perhaps, for the authentic person, ones moral appearance is at all times in all places and in all respects ones moral reality. The authentic person lives according to her own moral standards, does not pretend to be something she is not, does not create the apppearance of morality but in their heart be privately dissolute. This, to me, is the most appealing definition of authenticity. When it comes to defining truth, Existentialism has couple of points. To begin with, â€Å"truth† is defined by a person individual life experiences. Their reality and experiences influences their ultimate view on the world. It is considered that to view of the world is already the truth and in their world it is. This is because in Existentialism truth is something that is based on facts and not on emotions. Though, the truth can be used in a good way or bad way, so to say acting in good or bad faith. Thus, in the concept of truth it is once again pointed out that every individual has a freedom of choice. It is interesting that Existentialism considers an act to be good and something to be true if it is performed in a way that the entire human race would be represented. This seems to be enough to attest an act as a moral one. Modern existentialism seems to show up often in films. One must not confuse Existentialism and Post Modernism though. Key ideas include 1. Retaining authenticity in a mechanical, apathetic world is dejected. because autencitiy relates to a reality that simply does not exist. 2. The feelings of alienation and loneliness that come about from being unique in a world of many, and the consiciousness of death. 3. Everydayness Referemces 1. Corbett B. , 1985, What is Existentialism? Retrieved december 21,2012 from http://www2. webster. edu/~corbetre/philosophy/existentialism/whatis. html .

Holocaust Essay Example for Free

Holocaust Essay Art: a true Holocaust survivor. Though he was born in Sweden after the war and did not experience the Holocaust personally, his life is deeply affected by the event, both directly and indirectly. To begin with, Art is troubled by nightmares and fears of the Holocaust, as he fantasizes when he was a child about certain degrading happenings. Secondly, he is impacted by the intense, traumatizing toll the Holocaust had on his father, which, subsequently, was transferred onto him. As a result of the trauma of his parents, Art was raised in a strict, decent manner that demanded he treat life with the highest regard and gratitude, being he did not have to suffer the horrendous trials which the previous generations went through. And lastly he feels guilt over not being a good son to his father, being that their relationship is rocky, arguments constantly break out, and he has a reluctance to help. Art feels deeply moved by the horrible danger of the Holocaust. For example , as a child, he would imagine that the showers in his house would pour down gas instead of water. Also, he would often ask himself which parent he would save if he could have only have saved one from Auschwitz. Most likely, he would reason, his mother would have occurred as first choice, due to the fact that he felt he had a part in her early death, because of the neglect he showed her, when he answered with a cold and dismissive â€Å"sure† to her question â€Å"do you still love me?† Vladeks personality and parenting style were clearly influenced by the war, as he forces his son to finish everything off his plate, advices ways to save money, and strictly refuses to agree. Therefore Arts character traits and lifestyle choices were in turn clearly guided by his fathers personality and parenting style. In chapter 5, he complains to Francoise, â€Å"He loved showing off how handy he was and proving that anything I did was all wrong. He made me completely neurotic about fixing stuffOne reason I became an artist wasit was an area where I wouldnt have to compete with him.† Art experienced a guilt over not sharing his parent’s experience of the Holocaust and therefore wanted to live a life untroubled by the same trauma. Art is full of guilt for claiming he’s not a good son to Vladek. Right from the first panel of the book, we are told that the two of them do not get along particularly well, and that they do not see each other often, though they live fairly close by. Art is always unsteady around his father, and when they speak, arguments sooner or later break out. For example, when Art drops some cigarette ash on the carpet, Vladek strongly rebukes him; or, Vladek’s revelation of the fact that he burnt Anjas diaries from the war sends Art into a fury. Furthermore, when Vladek asks his son for help around the house, Art is usually reluctant to do so and hesitant to give in. And, although Art, at the very beginning, tells the reader that he hasnt seen his father in a long time, as well as the fact that they are not particularly close, he gives his father an excited greeting a rare action, which probably results from the guilt and possible regret he feels over the neglect in which he gave his own father. In conclusion, I believe that Art is a true Holocaust survivor as not only does he suffer from a kind of survivor’s guilt, but he also grew up with the aftermath of the other survivors’ trauma. The misery portrayed in the pages of his father’s story, and most evidently in â€Å"Prisoner on the Hell Planet†, dictates that Art not only sympathizes with the Holocaust survivors, but even feels like he was an actual member with them in their torturous trials. His choice to even publish the novel and make everyone aware of his family’s suffering shows he believes that these shocking stories should not be ignored or forgotten, since doing so would only allow for the traumas to happen all over again.

Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest

Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest Constructivism Ideas, Identity and Foreign Policy In the analysis of international politics, the process of identity formation and how national interests are conceived should represent central issues, as they are inextricably linked to a states foreign policy. The importance of identities results from the fact that they perform two vital functions: expressing to the self and others who the self is, as well as expressing to the self who others are. Due to the first function, having a certain identity determines an associated set of preferences regarding the choices of action in various circumstances and when different actors are involved. That is why a states identity generates its interests and subsequent behaviour towards fellow members and situations related to the international system. The second function implies that a state perceives others according to the identities it attributes to them, while simultaneously reproducing its own identity through social interaction and practice (Tajfel, 1981:255). These notions have been conce ptualised and emphasised in IR theory by constructivist scholars, who argue that global politics originates not only in the international system but also in an international society. Constructivists stress the constitutive effects of ideas and norms that set the parameters within which identities and interests are formulated (Brown and Ainley, 2003:49). When studying inter-state relations, it has become essential to analyse how ideas are created, how they evolve and influence states perceptions and response to their situation. In order to achieve such an objective, constructivism plays a key role by promoting the tenet that the manner in which the material world shapes and is shaped by human action and interaction depends on dynamic normative and epistemic interpretations of the material world (Adler, 1997:322). From this perspective, constructivist frameworks show that even the most enduring institutions are based on collective understandings. Their important contribution to the st udy of IR lies mainly in emphasising the ontological reality of intersubjective knowledge, along with its epistemological and methodological implications. That is why constructivism argues international relations consist primarily of social facts, which have acquired such a status due to human agreement. They represent reified structures that were conceived ex nihilo by human consciousness, subsequently being diffused and consolidated until they were taken for granted (Adler, 1997:322-323). Constructivist scholars also believe that actors attach meanings to and cognitively frame the material world as well as their experiences. So collective understandings or the distribution of knowledge offer the reasons why certain elements are as they are, as well as the indications as to how actors should deploy their material capabilities (Wendt, 1992:397). One might deduce from the previous statement that the context of collective meanings structures the preferences and behaviour of political actors, which would suggest that constructivism features deterministic tendencies. On the contrary, its theoretical premises have a much more nuanced nature and the constructivist position within the agency-structure debate asserts that the two elements are mutually constitutive. Constructivism argues that meaningful conduct is possible only within an intersubjective social context, since agents develop relations with and understandings of others via ideas, norms and practices. In their absence, actions like the exercise of power would be devoid of meaning because ideas and norms have constitutive effects on identity, specifying the features that will enable others to recognise that identity and respond to it accordingly (Jepperson, Wendt and Katzenstein, 1996:54). In this process, agents exert their influence by consciously perpetuating and repro ducing the social context through their prolonged actions and practices. A significant point to remember is that structure becomes meaningless without some intersubjective set of ideas and norms, so neither anarchy nor the distribution of capabilities alone can socialise states to a particular conduct (Dessler, 1989:459-460). Until now the discussion of constructivism has mentioned several times the notions of constitutive effects or being mutually constitutive, but without describing more elaborately what they entail. The relation of constitution must be differentiated from that of causality, as constitutive theories enquire about the conditions which instantiate a phenomenon, rendering it possible. In this respect, Robert Cummins employs the concept of property theories because they have a different objective from causal explanations: to account for the properties of things by reference to the structures in virtue of which they exist (Cummins, 1983). Another key aspect of constitutive theorising refers to the fact that the counterfactual claim of necessity is conceptual or logical, not causal or natural (Wendt, 1998:106). For instance, the conditions constituting a phenomenon define what the latter is, which conveys a relationship of identity not causal determination. These two components are inextricab ly linked, so that when the conditions come into being, the phenomenon comes into being with them. By contrast, causal explanations rest on two different assumptions: the factors causing an event exist independently from their outcome and are also temporally prior to it. If one applies these theoretical assumptions to the context of ideas, several implications become immediately apparent. The significant role that ideas play in international relations is fully acknowledged only when we recognise their constitutive effects (Wendt, 1999:87). The relationship of constitution derives from the fact that ideas create political outcomes by shaping their properties, meanings, perceptions or interpretations. These are in turn dependent on their ideational source, they exist only in virtue of those ideas terrorism cannot be conceived apart from a national security discourse that defines it. The national security discourse is in turn inextricably linked to constructing a notion of terrorism, since without it the concept would be meaningless. When analysing foreign policy, dominant schools of thought in IR theory usually ignore ideas and identity or regard them as intervening variables at best, helping to account for outcomes which surpass the explanatory abilities of traditional materialist factors like power and interests. The approach in question is problematic as it does not encompass fully the ideational impact ideas in fact create materialist causes. The bottom line of what becomes most contested in the materialist-idealist debate is the relative contribution of brute material forces to power and interest explanations as opposed to ideas (Wendt, 1999:94). At this point it might be useful to consider briefly the traditional view of materialism which originates in Marxism. The classical Marxist dichotomy portrays the material base as the mode of production, while culture, ideology and other ideational factors belong to a non-material superstructure. Wendt believes the same principles can be extended and applied to re alism; after all, modes of destruction are as basic as modes of production (Wendt, 1999:94). Both instances contain a crucial issue, namely that ideational factors become completely separated from economic and military considerations. Here D.V. Porpora noted a conceptual contradiction, considering the fact that Marxism defines the modes of production not only via forces, but also via relations of production. Relations represent ideational phenomena embodied by institutions that ultimately refer to shared norms (Porpora, 1993:214). The obvious implication points to the fact that the material base of Marxism is actually infused with ideas and norms, which also reveals their constitutive role concerning materialism generally To further reinforce such an argument, it is necessary to challenge the conventional materialist view of interests by acknowledging their nature interests are actually cognitions or ideas. This perspective has been promoted by two distinct fields of knowledge and their associated scholars: cultural anthropology and philosophy. Drawing on cognitive psychology, the anthropologist R.G. DAndrade (1992:28) sees interests, desires or motivations as schemas (frames, representations, ideas), which reflect knowledge structures that make possible the identification of objects and events. A significant aspect to remember is that schemas are not given by human nature. DAndrade (1992:31) admits that some interests can be rooted in biological drives which alludes to their material nature, but biology fails to explain most of the goals human beings seem capable of pursuing and these are learned through socialisation. In this sense, the anthropologist offers the example of an interest for achievem ent: it implies a social standard about what counts as a legitimate aspiration and the individuals desiring to achieve have internalised that standard as a cognitive schema (DAndrade, 1992:35). A very similar opinion has been advanced by R.B.K. Howe who draws on philosophy to articulate a cognitive theory of interest or desire. He too acknowledges that biological mechanisms influence interests, yet even very primitive desires are mostly directionless and depend on beliefs or ideas about what is desirable to render them meaningful (Howe, 1994). That is why ideas play a key role in defining and directing material needs; one perceives a goal as valuable, which in turn determines ones interest in accomplishing it. These perceptions are learned sometimes by interacting with nature which resonates with materialist factors, but mostly they are learned through socialisation to culture an inherently idealist phenomenon (Howe, 1994). Consequently, having reached similar conclusions starting from different premises, scholars in cultural anthropology and philosophy identify the cognitive basis of interests, or that ideas and not material drives create interests to a great extent. In foreign policy analysis, the concept of national interest has been accorded considerably more explanatory ability compared to other variables, particularly due to the influence of the classical realist and neorealist frameworks. However, is its nature inherently materialist and objective as the realist school of thought would have one believe? Or does it rather represent the product and construct of different interpretation processes, in which case ideas and identity become essential? The neorealist approach to international relations rests on the assumptions that the distribution of material capability in the states system can be objectively assessed and that threats to national interests can be accurately recognised. Such a perspective largely ignores that threats are not self-evident and the national interest, when confronted with a problematic situation, becomes a matter of interpretation (Weldes, 1996:279), hence the significant influence of ideas and identity. Moreover, cons tructivism convincingly challenges the objective and materialist view of realism concerning national interests, reintroducing the crucial role of ideas and identity. It does so by promoting the tenet that people act towards objects, including other actors, on the basis of the meanings that the objects have for them (Wendt, 1992:396-397). Wendts work has had a fundamental contribution in reconceptualising the national interest as the product of intersubjective processes of meaning creation. Nevertheless, consistent with the neorealist tradition, he regards states through the black box metaphor, their internal processes being irrelevant to the construction of state identities and interests. Wendt (1992:401) argues that the meanings which states attach to phenomena and subsequently their interests and identities are shaped via inter-state interaction. This does reflect an important facet of identity formation, but also neglects the historical and political contexts in which national in terests are deeply embedded, because the interpretations defining state interests cannot be restricted to the meanings and ideas generated by inter-state interaction. After all, any state is inextricably linked to the domestic actors that take decisions in its name. These agents do internalise the norms characterising the international environment, yet they also approach politics with an already formed appreciation of the world, the international system and the position of their state within it (Weldes, 1996:280). The national actors ideas and interpretation of all these issues stem partly from domestic political and cultural contexts. As Antonio Gramsci (1971:112) noted, civil society is the sphere in which the struggle to define the categories of common sense takes place. After revealing interests as expressions of ideas, one might advance the counterargument that such a conceptualisation applies only to individuals, becoming irrelevant in the case of states and the international system. The latter brings forward another essential point of this paper, which argues that states articulate a constructed collective identity that influences what they perceive their interests to be. It is best shown when taking into account the example of foreign policy, a domain in which various actors make decisions according to their ideas and perceptions of the national interest. Following the collapse of the communist regime, Romania and its political leaders were faced with the opportunity to choose the appropriate future course for the emerging democracy. Their decision was to actively pursue a transformation for the new state, seeking to create a collective identity with the West. But before proceeding with the empirical discussion, it has become imperative to defin e and conceptualise one of its central notions identity. This context particularly deals with state identity because it represents the most relevant instance for analysing foreign policy. In the philosophical sense, identity can be defined as whatever makes an entity what it is, although such a definition is too broad to render the concept meaningful. That is why, for analytical purposes and conceptual utility, identity will be understood using a two-faceted definition. On the one hand, it can be regarded as a property of intentional actors that generates motivational and behavioural dispositions (Wendt, 1999:224). On the other hand, identity cannot be conceived without recognising that which is like, other and simultaneously like and other, or without an understanding of the self which comes from this recognition (Norton cited by Campbell, 1992: 78-79). Both facets of the definition suggest that identity contains at base a subjective or unit-level quality rooted in an actors self- understandings. Their meaning will often depend on whether others represent that actor in the same way, a feature which configures the inter-subjective quality of identity (Wendt, 1999:225). Even a simple example can illustrate the point in a more enlightening manner: Helen might think she is a lecturer but if that belief is not shared by her colleagues and students, then her identity will not operate in their interaction. In other words, both internal and external structures constitute an identity and it takes form under two types of ideas: those held by the Self and those held by the Other. The character of this internal-external relationship varies, which leads to the existence of several kinds of identity, rather than one unitary phenomenon susceptible to a general definition. Building on the work of James Fearon (1999), a typology that features several kinds of identity will be presented here, all inextricably linked and feeding into each other: personal and social, type, role, corporate and collective. First, personal identity is constituted by the self-organising, homeostatic structures that make actors distinct entities (Greenwood, 1994). These structures have a material base represented by the human body, as well as a social component. The latter points to a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in; (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them; or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to (Fearon, 1999:25). What differentiates the personal identity of intentional actors from that of other entities is a consciousness and memory of Self as a separate locus of thought and activity (Wendt, 1999:225). It cannot be denied that people constitute distinct entities in virtue of biology, but without consciousness and memory a sense of I they are not agents. This aspect resonates even more in the case of a state, since its people must have a common narrative of themselves as a corporate actor. Therefore, the state itself might be considered a group Self capable of group-level recognition (Wilson and Sober, 1994:602). In the former, an identity is just a social category, a group of people designated by a label (or labels) that is commonly used either by the people designated, others, or both. This is the sense employed when we refer to American, French, Muslim, father, homosexual, (p.10) National identities, like American or Russian, are examples of type identities. There are almost no contexts in which it would make sense to speak of the the role of an American, except in a theatre play where role means part. Other social categories that are almost wholly type identities include party a_liation (e.g., Democrat or Republican), sexual identity (heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc.), and ethnic identity. Some identities or social categories involve both role and type. For example, mother is a role, but nonetheless we expect certain beliefs, attitudes, values, preferences, moral virtues, and so on, to be characteristic of people performing the role of mother (understandings that may change through time.) On the other hand, some role identities, which mainly but not exclusively comprise occupational categories, have few if any type features associated with them (for example, toll booth collector). Lastly, collective identity brings the Self-Other relationship to another stage and its logical conclusion identification. The latter represents a cognitive process in which the distinction between the two becomes blurred and sometimes even transcended, namely Self is categorised as Other. Identification tends to be issue specific and always involves extending the boundaries of the Self to include the Other. In this respect, collective identity uses both role and type ones and at the same time goes beyond their limits. It builds on role identities since both depend on the mechanism of incorporating the Other into the Self, which generates a socially constituted Me. The essential difference refers to their contrasting objectives: role identities use the mechanism to enable the Self and Other to play distinct roles, whereas a collective identity aims to merge the two entities into a single one. In the case of type identities, the situation is slightly more complicated. Collective iden tity builds on them as both require shared characteristics, but not all type identities are collective because not all involve the identification process Especially over the past decade, the discipline of IR has experienced what Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil (1996) called the return of culture and identity in IR theory. The 1950s and 1960s had brought for IR scholars an intense preoccupation with the role of national identities, particularly in the context of early EU integration studies by Karl Deutsch and Ernst Haas. Unfortunately, later on the concept became once again marginalised in favour of more objective and scientific approaches like neorealism and rational choice. The recent return of identity does not necessarily imply that the current use of the term may be considered equivalent to that of the 1950s-1960s. Rather, since the late 1980s, a new strand of theory regarding identity has emerged and slowly developed, which rejects essentialist notions while emphasising the constructed nature of social and political identities (see for example McSweeney, 1999; Albert et al., 2001). One of the works that is most often cited when discussing the relationship between state identity and foreign policy is that of David Campbell. In his 1992 book Writing security, he challenges the traditional narrative of asking how foreign policy serves the national interest and instead examines how the practice of foreign policy helps write and rewrite state identity. According to Campbell Danger is not an objective condition. It is not a thing which exists independently of those to whom it may become a threat (Campbell 1992: 1). As danger is an effect of interpretation (Ibid: 2), nothing is more or less dangerous than something else, except when interpreted as such. In terms of the non-essentialistic character of danger, the objectification and externalization of danger need to be understood as an effect of political practices rather than the condition of their possibility. As danger is never objective, Campbells argument continues, neither is the identity which it is said to threaten. Rather, the contours of this identity are subject to constant (re)writing, and foreign policy is an integral part of the discourses of danger which serve to discipline the state. Campbells theory a declared challenge to conventional approaches which assume a settled nature of identity is thus that state identity can be understood as the outcome of practices assoc iated with a discourse of danger. We speak about the foreign policy of the state x or state y, thereby indicating that the state is prior to the policy, but Campbells creative insights come to challenge such a position. He explains that national states are paradoxical entities which do not possess prediscursive stable identities (Ibid: 11). As states are always in the process of becoming, for a state to end its practices of representation would be to expose its lack of prediscursive foundations'(Ibid: 11). Ironically, the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the states continued success as an impelling identity. The constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a states identity or existence: it is its condition of possibility'( Ibid: 12). Building on such theoretical understanding, this paper offers an account of the processes through which Romanian state identity and its insecurities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transformed.