Neanderthal Burials at Shanidar Cave

The site of Shanidar Cave is located adjacent to the modern village of Zawi Chemi Shanidar in northern Kurdish Iraq, on the Zab River in the Zagros Mountains, one of the major tributaries of the Tigris River. Between 1953 and 1960, the skeletal remains of nine Neanderthals were recovered from the cave, making it one of the most important Neanderthal sites in western Asia at the time. Shanidar Cave Chronology Shanidar cave itself measures about 13,000 square feet (1,200 square meters) in area, or 75x75 ft (53x53 m) square. The mouth of the cave today measures about 82 ft (25 m) wide and about 26 ft (8 m) tall. The site deposits are about 46 ft (14 m) thick, which excavator Ralph Solecki divided into four major cultural layers, each separated by what Soleckis team recognized as discrete discontinuities. Layer A: Neolithic to ModernLayer B: Mesolithic to Pre-Pottery NeolithicLayer C: Upper Paleolithic or BaradostianLayer D: Middle Paleolithic or Mousterian Neanderthal Burials at Shanidar The lowest, oldest, and most substantial levels at Shanidar are the Mousterian levels, which represent a period of time when Neanderthals lived there about 50,000 years ago. Within these deposits were discovered nine human interments, at least some of which were deliberate burials. All nine of the burials at Shanidar were found beneath a cave rockfall, but the excavators were absolutely certain that at least some of the burials were purposeful. During the 1960s, that was a shocking statement to make, because Neanderthals were not considered humans, certainly not thought to be capable of caring for their dead. Considerably more evidence for Middle Paleolithic burials has since been recovered in other caves sites—at Qafzeh, Amud, and Kebara (all in Israel), Saint-Cesaire (France), and Dederiyeh (Syria) caves. Shanidar Burials Some of the skeletons from Shanidar exhibit evidence for interpersonal violence among Pleistocene hunters and gatherers, a level of violence also attested at El Sidrà ³n in Spain. Shanidar 3, a well-preserved adult male skeleton, had a partially healed injury to a rib. This injury is believed to have been caused by sharp force trauma from a stone point or blade. This is one of only a few known examples of Neanderthal traumatic injury from a stone tool—others include St. Cesaire in France and Skhul Cave in Israel. Experimental archaeology investigations by American archaeologist Steven Churchill and colleagues suggest that this injury resulted from being shot by a long-range projectile weapon. The skeleton known as Shanidar 1 was an older adult male, who survived a crushing fracture to his left eye socket, and the loss of his right forearm and hand. Archaeologists Erik Trinkaus and Sebastien Villotte believe this individual was also deaf, based on the presence of bony growths in his ears. Not only do these skeletons exhibit interpersonal evidence, they also indicate that Neanderthals cared for individuals who had been handicapped. Dietary Evidence Shanidar was the focus of early floral analytical studies, which presented what became a controversial interpretation. Soil samples taken from sediments near the burials contained an abundance of pollen from several kinds of flowers, including the modern herbal remedy ephedra. The pollen abundance was interpreted by Solecki and fellow researcher Arlette Leroi-Gourhan as evidence that flowers were buried with the bodies. However, there is some  debate about the source of the pollen, with some evidence that the plant remains may have been brought into the site by burrowing rodents, rather than placed there as flowers by grieving relatives. Recent studies by palynologists  Marta Fiacconi and Chris Hunt  also suggest that the pollen found in the cave is not dissimilar to pollen found outside of the cave. Microscopic studies of the calculus deposits—also known as tartar—on teeth from the Neanderthals at Shanidar found plant remains of several starchy foods that made up the inhabitants diet. Those plants included grass seeds, dates, tubers, and legumes. Some evidence suggests that at least some of the consumed plants had been cooked, and preserved starch grains from wild barley were also found on the faces of some of the Mousterian tools in the cave as well. Archaeology History The original excavations were conducted in the cave during the 1950s directed by American archaeologist Ralph S. Solecki. Later investigations of the site and on the artifacts and soil samples recovered from the site have been conducted by Trinkaus among others. Locally, Shanidar was until recently inhabited by Kurdish shepherds, but now it is managed by the local antiquities service and has become a popular Kurdish tourist destination. Sources Churchill, Steven E., et al. Shanidar 3 Neandertal Rib Puncture Wound and Paleolithic Weaponry. Journal of Human Evolution 57.2 (2009): 163-78. Print.Cowgill, Libby W., Erik Trinkaus, and Melinda A. Zeder. Shanidar 10: A Middle Paleolithic Immature Distal Lower Limb from Shanidar Cave, Iraqi Kurdistan. Journal of Human Evolution 53.2 (2007): 213-23. Print.Fiacconi, Marta, and Chris O. Hunt. Pollen Taphonomy at Shanidar Cave (Kurdish Iraq): An Initial Evaluation. Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology 223 (2015): 87-93. Print.Henry, Amanda G., Alison S. Brooks, and Dolores R. Piperno. Microfossils in Calculus Demonstrate Consumption of Plants and Cooked Foods in Neanderthal Diets (Shanidar III, Iraq; Spy I and II, Belgium). Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 108.2 (2011): 486-91. Print.Nadel, Dani, et al. Earliest Floral Grave Lining from 13,700–11,700-Y-Old Natufian Burials at Raqefet Cave, Mt. Carmel, Israel. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110.29 (2013): 11774-78. Print.Trinkaus, Erik, and Sà ©bastien Villotte. External Auditory Exostoses and Hearing Loss in the Shanidar 1 Neandertal. PLoS One 12.10 (2017): e0186684. Print.

Gender Stereotypes And Gender Discrimination Essay

Hussain, Naz, Khan, Daraz, and Khan (2015) conduct in depth interviews from July 2015 to September 2015 on 24 interviewees from public-sector Universities in the Malakand Divison in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of North Western Pakistan and they determine that gender stereotyping is not a production of biological characteristics, but rather an aspect of culture and socialization through forms of social relationships, social institutions in the society, and social interaction among peers. Males in society are stereotyped to link the family to the rest of the world, while females take care of domestic work (Hussain et al.). It is found throughout the article that family is the most prominent social relationship that contributes to an individual’s view on gender stereotypes. Also, social institutions, such as school and workplace, teach gender norms and roles for men and women that individuals have to conform to in order to be accepted into their society (Hussain et al.). The authors also note that members of a society unwillingly conform to gender norms and roles due to social learning from social interactions among peers in a society. Masculine stereotypes in societies are identified as competitive, aggressive, and independent, while feminine stereotypes regard women as caring, emotionally expressive, effective in interpersonal relationships, child friendly, sensitive and empathetic, and above all submissive (Hussain et al.). For example,Show MoreRelatedGender Discrimination At Work : Connecting Gender Stereotypes, Institutional Policies, And Gender Composition Of Workplace2447 Words   |  10 PagesBobbitt-Zeher, D. (2011). Gender Discrimination at Work: Connecting Gender Stereotypes, Institutional Policies, and Gender Composition of Workplace. Gender Society, 25(6), 764-786. Men and women experience working life quite differently. Wage disparities, occupational sex segregation, and gender differences in authority, for example, are common. 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Psychology for Philosophical Spiritual Ideas- myassignmenthelp.com

Question: Discuss about thePsychology for Philosophical Spiritual Ideas. Answer: On Being Human Philosophical-spiritual ideas This topic is looking at the comparison and contrasting of the cultivation of the Confucian ren and the Daoist wuwei in the East Asia religions in relation to the rapport family aspect. Rapport is the interaction between humans and their respective environment. Here we shall see how different peoples environment aspects were viewed at different times bearing in mind the cultural, natural and spiritual aspects of interactions. We shall look at how ideas and the changing notions of rapport affected both China and Japan under two types of historical pressures that are inner and outer pressures. Inner pressure is tensions within ideas that need clarification, application and elaboration to be taken into account. Outer pressures on the other hand are challenges faced when dealing with foreign ways of doing things and thinking. Different people of East Asia that is China, Japan and India viewed being human in different aspects of beliefs and practices. Comparison and contrasting of the cultivation of the Confucian ren and the Daoist wuwei When the Indias Buddhist traditions arrived in China through central Asia during the Common Era, there were major impacts that were felt in China (deBarry 2). The previous classic Daoist and Confucian traditions that were practiced in China developed new and elaborate institutions, practices and teachings once they got centuries interactions with Buddhists. Before the introduction of Buddhas teachings, the former Confucians and Daoists teachings understood themselves as members of a family (ja) instead of a member of a religion (jao). However, as the families grew, their previous traditions became more complex and new terms came up to define them. The Daoists (Daojia (DAH-oh-jee-AH)) family became interested in the idea of becoming immortal and saw Laozi as a celestial being that would make that possible while the Confucians became interested in Kongzi as a revered ancestor and perfect sage. These two different ideologies of the meaning of being human brought about tension in the two families. The Buddhists built monasteries and the Daoist rituals and ethics were greatly influenced by Indias Buddhist traditions than the Confucians. The Buddhist ethics and meditation also greatly influenced the Confucians conceptions of how they can achieve various stages of sagehood as this was what they were interested in practicing. Many elaborate institutions were developed by both Confucians and Daoists even though both practiced different beliefs. The Daoists concentrated in building institualized religion and the Confucians retained their ties with educational institutions. During the Sui and Tang dynasties (589-906 C.E)Daoist and Buddhist traditions had heavy influence on both philosophical and political realms while the Confucians were mainly involved with educational institutions (Daojiao (DAH-oh-jee-AAH-oh)) dedicated in preparation of young men into access to government positions (Hinton 12). Therefore it is true to say that the entry of Buddhism into Chinese greatly influenced Chinese traditions and institutions and this brought about notable changes in both the earlier Confucians and Daoists teachings and traditions. Transformation of Japanese identity The Chinese civilization brought a major impact to Japan during the eighth century C.E. where the Chinese Buddhist and the neo-Confucian traditions took hold of Shinto Japan. The Japanese aggressively adopted the Chinese architecture, writing, fine arts, government policies, philosophy, rituals, social ethics and meditation styles (deBarry 5). Neo-Confucian also greatly influenced the Japanese social attitude such as emphasis on education, reverence for ancestors and the Five Moral relations. Entry of Buddhism into Japan also affected the religious life in relation to monastic institutions, view on human salvation and the meditation styles. The Daoism sparsely impacted Japan in concepts of Japanese popular life in relation to divination and a schedule of good-and bad-luck days (Hendrischke 4). Japanese notion of what is meant to be human was majorly influenced by appreciation of the natural world which was enlivened by Kami of the sun (Amaterasu (AH-mah-tehr-AAH-soo)). The Japanese c reated a rapport with the natural world and even with the entry of the Chinese culture; the Japanese maintained their worldview that was free of Confucian foreign influence. The Japanese chose to maintain their traditional mindset as well as filter the foreign concepts that they wanted from those they did not want through the help of a literary movement developed during the Japans Tokugawa dynasty (1603-1867). The Japanese notion on what it means to be human is related to continuity of human beings and their rapport to nature brought about by Kami. Even with the entry of Neo-Confucian values and cultures into Japan, the Japanese came up with a movement that was meant to purify Shinto of its Chinese cultural accretions. The worship of objects of nature such as the sun, moon, wells, rocks, trees, streams among others continued into the modern Japanese (Wheeler 7). Conclusion Throughout history, different aspects of the environment where human being live have greatly influenced human beliefs and cultures. The idea of what is meant to be human can be viewed reflectively as an insider so as to gain more in-depth knowledge on the three different regions that are Japan, India and China. Most traditions focus on the cultural, spiritual and natural world of human rapport and the three traditions have their own understanding of the connections. For example, the Confucians understand and emphasize rapport between humans as shown through the five moral relations in terms of civilization. The classical Daoism understands and emphasizes rapport between humans and nature as a spontaneous action-less action (wuwei) as a perfect expression of humanity. On the other hand the Traditional Shintoists of Japan understands and emphasizes the rapport among humans, society, nature and the kami. Over time, each of these three East Asian rapport traditions, the notion of what it means to be human is evolved in different concepts. Many questions on what is to be believed in were debated upon severally and even so all the members of each tradition found the need to return back to their roots from time to time. As an insider I believe that both three approaches from the three different traditions are right that is Kongzi emphases on culture, Laozi emphasize on nature and Kobayashi Issa belief of a link between humans and nature. Work cited deBary, W.T., Bloom, I. (Compilers). Sources of Chinese tradition(Vol. 1, 2nded.). New York: Columbia University Press. (2007). deBary, W.T., Lufrano, R. (Compilers). Sources of Chinese tradition from 1600 through the twentieth century(2nded., Vol. 2). New York: Columbia University Press. (2009). deBary, W.T., et al. (Compilers). Sources of Japanese tradition(Vol. 2, 2nded.). New York: Columbia University Press. (2015). deBary, W.T., et al. (Compilers). Sources of Japanese tradition: Earliest times to 1600(2nded., Vol. 1). New York: Columbia University Press. (2011). Hendrischke, B. The scripture on great peace: The Taiping jing and the beginnings of Daoism.Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. (2006). Hinton, D. (Trans.). The analectsConfucius.Washington, DC, Counterpoint. (2008). Wheeler, P. The sacred scriptures of the Japanese.Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. (2013). Xinzhong, Y. An introduction to Confucianism.Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. (2010).

The Women Characters Of Antigone Essays - Operas, Antigone

The Women Characters Of Antigone Antigone by Sophocles is one of the most distinguished pieces of theatrical work that reflects upon Greek mythology and culture. Antigone has several themes and circumstantial settings that can be indirectly referred or related to in modern society. Sophocles uses various and strategically placed characters to present his play as well as his themes. The play mainly revolves around Antigone who acts alongside her elder sister, Ismene. Both are daughters of Oedipus and Jocasta who are in the context of the play deceased. This essay will analyze these two characters alongside one other female minor character, Eurydice who contributes significantly to the development and success of the play. From the start of the play, the audience is given a vague idea of both Antigone's and Ismene's characters. Both sisters have suffered the anguish of having lost their brothers, Eteocles and Polyneices. It is at the beginning of the play that we see Antigone's braveness. She notifies Ismene of her intentions to bury Polyneices despite the fact that such an act is punishable by death, for Creon considers Polyneices to be a traitor and that by not having his body buried, Polyneices suffers a posthumous punishment. She makes this declaration while being fully aware of the penalties involved and this brings to light several other things about her character. The audience is able to see that she is confident in her actions and will justify anything that she does. Meanwhile Ismene can be viewed as being afraid and uneager to agree to an action. She confronts her sister's statements by saying, ? But think of the danger ! Think what Creon will do ! ? (34, Prologue).This statement by Ismene cre ate a vague feeling in the audience that Ismene is a pessimist. This view is further reinforced when she says, ? And do what he has forbidden ! We are women / We cannot fight with men, Antigone ! ? (46-47, Prologue). Hence Ismene is seen seeking a way out by giving excuses that are in a sense linked to negative stereotypes and this makes a reflection of her pessimistic nature. Antigone's actions at the beginning of the play reflect her impulsivness and rash manner in handling situations. Rather than try to confront Creon regarding the burial of her brother she goes ahead to bury him. Her impulsive manner is also seen when she doubts Ismene's promise that she will not divulge any information to anybody else regarding Antigone's plans to bury her brother. She does this despite the reasonable consideration that Ismene is her only sister and family member left. Her actions at this point also reflect on her indifference in carrying out actions that reflect on others. She does not seem to care about the fact that burying her brother may have unfavorable consequences on Ismene who would lose her sister and at the same time be in a dilemma. Ismene would have to risk telling the authorities and get her sister prosecuted so as to be a true patriot and to save her own life or keep mum and be prosecuted for aiding and abetting an offense alongside her sister whom she will eventually loose, regardless of what she decides to do . This scenario presents a strong argument that Ismene is considerate and rational as she eventually decides to keep Antigone's plans secret and continues to do so even when Antigone attacks her. She responds by saying, ? But a loyal friend indeed to those who love.? (85, Prologue). This demonstrates Ismene's passive and unvengeful nature. Antigone bears responsibility well and can therefore be seen to be responsible. When brought before Creon, she admits her actions in burying Polyneices without much ado, she audaciously confesses, ? I do. I deny nothing ? (52, ODE I, Scene II). She goes ahead and justifies her action, and calmly makes it clear that she is not afraid of the punishment due to be imposed on her.. In contrast Ismene bears a sense of responsibility just like her sister. When brought before Creon, she admits her role in Antigone's ?crime' without hesitation, she says, ? Yes, if she will let me say so. I am guilty. ? This and the ensuing